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Opinion

Lords can amend the Brexit Bill - but not block it

By NationCymru
Dafydd Wigley. Picture by Plaid Cymru.

Lord Dafydd Wigley

The European Union Withdrawal Bill has completed its Commons passage.

Despite valiant efforts by Plaid Cymru, SNP and Green MPs, it got through largely unscathed, thanks to the timidity of Labour’s front bench who, more often than not, voted either with the Tories, against Plaid Cymru, or didn’t bother voting at all.

The Bill now comes to the House of Lords for a similar process of scrutiny.

The ‘Second Chamber’ has a revising function - it scrutinises legislation line-by-line, spotting errors and proposing improvements, within the overall framework proposed by the Government and approved by MPs.

Peers don’t have a democratic mandate to reject legislation outright. Only an elected second chamber could do that – which reflects the need to replace the Lords with a democratically elected chamber.

The Withdrawal Bill comes up for second reading on Tuesday, which involves debating the principles of the Bill, but not its details.

Two hundred Peers are expected to speak but we are unlikely to vote on it. Lords rarely oppose a Bill at second reading if it has been approved by MPs. But that doesn’t mean the Bill will sail through the House of Lords and be rubber-stamped.

It will be examined in detail by the whole House during the committee stage over a period of six weeks, with hundreds of amendments being considered – and I fully intend to propose my own amendments on behalf of Wales.

The fireworks will start after Easter, at the Bill’s Report Stage, when serious votes will occur, before we give our amended version of the Bill back to MPs.

Changes

There is an overwhelming majority in the Lords opposed to Brexit. If it was up to them, the whole wretched idea would be sunk without trace.

But Peers can’t take such a decision in the democratic vacuum which we inhabit. We cannot ignore the referendum vote, in Wales or the UK, but we can amend the Bill to limit the damage implementing it will cause.

Five major areas of concern will be debated. The most significant relates to the type of deal the Government negotiates – and what should happen if there is no deal.

Other issues include how the final deal will be ratified; the transition period; excessive powers being given to Ministers to bypass Parliament; and – of huge significance to Wales – whether powers in devolved areas will be intercepted by Westminster.

People voted to leave the EU with no clear alternative stipulated, though models were suggested, based on Norway, Switzerland and Canada. Mrs May still believes that a uniquely British model will emerge from negotiations.

I shall table amendments to guarantee our manufacturers and farmers continued free trade with the EU market – our biggest trading partner – through our place in the Single Market and Customs Union.

Fundamentally, two alternatives face us: a negotiated deal that gives some sectors limited access to the Single Market – a deal that will undoubtedly offer weaker terms than would be offered if we stayed in the Single Market and Customs Union; or reaching no deal whatsoever.

Wales

The “no-deal” scenario would be an utter disaster for Wales. In case this happens, Peers may provide for a confirmatory referendum before such a disastrous course could be adopted – giving citizens a chance to approve or reject our exit terms.

The other major issue for Wales is to secure an amendment that prevents Westminster intercepting powers in devolved areas.

This could well derail the government’s Brexit plans unless they act decisively. Despite commitments made to MPs, the Government failed to bring forward their own amendments to alleviate the concerns of MPs from Wales and Scotland.

Westminster cannot be allowed to use Brexit as a means to reverse devolution and reinstate full Westminster-rule over Wales.

A motion proposing a Continuity Bill, introduced by Steffan Lewis AM in the National Assembly, to protect ourselves from a Westminster power-grab, was given all-party support.

The Welsh Government must act and introduce a Bill without delay – before their hands are tied.

Last word

A further matter of concern is the so-called “Henry VIII powers” which enable Westminster Ministers to amend legislation without any meaningful votes, bypassing normal democratic procedures.

Peers will most certainly press amendments, and they’ll have my wholehearted support.

There will be many other matters to debate, and I shall work across party lines to safeguard Welsh interests.

However, even if we succeed in carrying certain safeguards, we won’t have the last word. That rightly rests with democratically elected MPs in the Commons.

I hope that, if we give them a lifeline on matters of critical importance, they will rise to the occasion and put the interests of Wales and the other UK member countries, above narrow party advantage.

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9 comments

Hywel Moseley

On what basis of law does Lord Wigley assert that 'We cannot ignore the referendum vote either in Wales or the UK'? The referendum was a consultation process, not a delegation of legislative powers from Parliament to the electorate. The consultation was moreover flawed because of the misrepresentations of the proponents of Brexit and there is a clear case for Parliament to do its proper job of discussing the pros and cons of exiting the Union in the light of the facts that have emerged since the referendun and reaching its own decision. That is what parliamentary democracy entails, not creating an irreversible decision on the basis of a flawed consultation process. Immediately after the referendum Plaid Cymru let us down by announcing a policy to the same effect as Lord Wigley's assertion quoted above, which surely is a political assertion tainted by concern that Plaid will lose votes if it does not follow the majority referendum vote. Plaid Cymru would have earned more respect and eventual political advantage if it had stuck to principle rather than attempt to follow the herd.

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ERNEST

The referendum was a consultation. What it is also is on the position of the UK and the EU. (Wales and Scotland wasn't directly mentioned) I expect Plaid Cymru took the position it did because the referendum left Wales divided on this issue. But least, the position the EU took on the Catalonia independence verses Spain issue. I voted to remain and think that leaving the single market and custom union will be a disaster for Wales and the economy, particularly if Wales stays in the UK. This referendum will not in any way bind an independent Cymru-Wales from holding a new referendum to enter the EU as a new nation. The position of the EU-Spain-Catalonia will not apply as the UK will not be a member of the EU when we, and Scotland, proceed with independence referendums.

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MawKernewek

What are the possibilities for the role of any referendum at the end of the Brexit deal negotiating process? If, at this point the government decides to go for e.g. a Norway option, and this is put to a vote, what happens if it is rejected? Does this mean we remain in the EU, or does this mean a rushed no-deal Brexit in March 2019?

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Benjiman L. Angwin

The Liberals also made valiant efforts to stop it, chwarae teg to them.

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John Davies

I think the point he makes regarding not being able to ignore the referendum is a procedural one regarding the House of Lords vs Commons. The Lords can’t throw out the Bill because the democratically elected chamber has indicated it wants it to be passed, so the lords’ role is to amend/improve it.

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Jonathan Edwards Sir Benfro (+ North Carolina)

Diolch Hywel Moseley. Why is his the only voice saying we don't have to accept the accepted Westminster view of all this? Well, here is another voice. Same point, different angle. Written Constitutions 1. All sensible countries (and sub-countries) have them. In the US there are 50 State ones and 1 Federal one. All basically the same pattern but with tweaks to suit the particular State. 2. I half live in North Carolina. The NC State Constitution is clear and easy to read - https://www.ncga.state.nc.us/legislation/constitution/ncconstitution.html (There, that wasn't too bad was it? Wales could pretty much copy it word for word with relatively few tweaks for it to fit Cymru) 3. Overwhelmingly, these well-oiled Constitutions have a BICAMERAL system. The whole idea is that one house, Representatives say, can block anything the (State or Federal) Senate does. Or the other way round. Check and balance. Avoids tyranny of one house. Starting to sound familiar? 4. Lord Wigley (normally a big fan but I have to speak my mind) is referring to some rule or other saying that the House of Lords can't block the Commons even though he'd like to. What rule? Don't give me "Salisbury Convention" perlease! That's not a rule. Wales depends for its protection on something called the "Sewell Convention". We know what happened to that. The Welsh Government briefed a otherwise decent English barrister who put up a colourless performance in the Supreme Court and got absolutely nowhere. Sewell Convention, any Convention = fish & chip paper when it comes to anything serious. It is not a rule of law at all. So Lord Wigley, the Lords could defy the Commons. It is in law a House of Parliament. Create a fuss - good! Do not go gently....! 5. So Wales is going to suffer because Westminster does not have a true bicameral system and one of Wales most doughty fighters is not going to challenge the system.. Westminster has failed for a century to make the House of Lords a democratically elected senate. Now we pay the price of a dreadful Westminster system. Underlying all this is the fundamental problem of whether Wales can or will put up a fight to assert itself and defend itself. What it Wales did decide to stand up and be counted? How might we do this? Do what North Carolina and 12 other American Colonies did. Call a Constitutional Convention. Write a Constitution for Wales Ratify by referendum. And if London does not like it - tough! No I am not advocating a Revolutionary War, we won't need one. All we need is a clear and resolute political stand by a majority of Welsh people.

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Eos Pengwern

Lord Wigley was a hero of mine for much of the 1990s when I was an active member of Plaid Cymru, so it genuinely pains me to have to disagree with him so completely on any subject. Nevertheless this piece seems to repeat many of the misconceptions that Remainers come out with again and again, and sadly they're no more convincing from someone of Lord Wigley's stature than they are from anyone else. [And by the way, I'm very glad that Dafydd Wigley is now a Lord; I was there at the National Committee meeting in Aberystwyth, not long after the 1997 general election, when Plaid Cymru had been invited to nominate (if memory serves) three members of the House of Lords to reflect the astonishing electoral success they had achieved under Dafydd Wigley's leadership - significantly higher than they achieve nowadays. A small clique of new members from the Valleys, including one Leanna Wood, made the case that in fact we shouldn't nominate any at all, and made their point using the debating technique of screaming and shouting to the point where no-one else could get a word in edgeways and the meeting collapsed in chaos. I left the party shortly afterwards. I'm glad that Leanna Wood lost that particular debate within the party, but she's been allowed to win far too many since then and the party's flatlining level of support reflects that.] During the referendum campaign the Remain side reiterated again and again and again, with all the resources of the British State and the BBC behind it, that we shouldn't vote for Brexit because we wouldn't know what the deal would be, but it was bound to be a disaster, and the economy would tank from the day after the vote, and, and... and we voted for Brexit anyway, just as convincingly in Wales as in England. Also, just as was the case in Scotland (although it took the SNP an awfully long time to grasp this - I think the penny has dropped now), the Brexit voters included a large proportion of those who are also pro-independence, for the simple reason that the arguments for one are pretty much the arguments for the other. [In fact, during the campaign I remember a very amusing interview on the radio with a Scottish Tory MP, where he was telling the interviewer how fervently he wished to campaign for Brexit, but didn't feel he could. When asked by the interviewer why not, he replied "because I can't think of a single argument for Brexit which isn't also an argument for Scottish independence."] If you really want to undermine democracy in this country and bring about a level of fury not seen since, well, probably Cromwell's time, just try ignoring the largest popular vote on any subject that we've ever had in our history because you think you know better than the man in the street.

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Tame Frontiersman

Brexit is stress testing the British Constitution and finds it wanting

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Graham John Hathaway

Thank goodness Dadydd you are a member of the House of Lords. At least we have a voice, and an important one on Brexit and all matters of Welsh interest. The temperature is going to rise as the in fighting in Govt, sends mixed and contradictiory messages on what is or not the best plan post Brexit. I see a pivotal role for the Lords, as a buffer to the excesses of right wing dogma that will eventually show itself. The fact that Labour has now dismissed a need for a second referendum on the final outcome, a decision I find undemocratic, and irritating, given that it was a referendum that asked simple yes no questions, that the electorate are now denied a further vote on any details of the deal. There is no executive power or HOC vote should be the final arbiter. If the HOL is unable to scrap the Bill, and is a scrutiny body, as the second chamber, then there is the arguement that it should distance itself from anything that totally undermines the economic competence, social coherence of the UK as a trading nation and its prosperity. If the structure that resembles a hard Brexit and diminishes our Welsh Assembly further, then our position will be worse then desperate, and untenable. If it's tending to soft landing then the HOL role will be vital. I have no confidence in the process of negotiations with the EU or the capacity of the UK to see beyond the innane, take back control of our borders and laws. This will become a trial of who holds the best hand, but certainly it's not Wales. Every good wishes, I suggest a few aspirins and plenty of water ( Welsh).

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What are the possibilities for the role of any referendum at the end of the Brexit deal negotiating process? If, at this point the government decides to go for e.g. a Norway option, and this is put to a vote, what happens if it is reject...

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